Before I address the preferences, habits, and construction attributes of the shop that produced the Wistar family high chest and dressing table I will attempt to clear up some confusion concerning several issues relating to the appearance and materials of the pair that have puzzled previous historians. In Philadelphia Cabinetmaking and Commerce, 1718-1753: The Account Book of John Head, Joiner, footnote #54, Stiefel writes of the Wistar high chest, “The configuration of the top of the chest has been the subject of controversy.” He is referring to photographs made throughout the twentieth century that show the high chest with a convex-moulded element sitting on top of the chest above the cornice. In some views the moulded element is surmounted by a gallery consisting of short turned pillars.  In the same footnote, he also notes the various lists of wood species said to be used in construction of the pair – the drawer fronts have been described as solid or veneered while the lists of secondary woods sometimes includes the species yellow poplar, a species Stiefel doesn’t encounter in Head’s accounts before 1743.

I was part of the project furniture conservation team that treated furniture in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art as well as loans scheduled to be part of the exhibition Worldly Goods, The Arts of Early Pennsylvania, 1680-1758, Philadelphia Museum of Art, October 10, 1999 to January 2, 2000. During that time, we performed an extensive examination and treatment of the Wistar family high chest and dressing table. The primary and secondary woods species found were typical for furniture made in the Delaware River Valley, 1690-1740. All primary wood is black walnut, including the top of the high chest. The walnut boards are solid, there are no veneered surfaces. The drawer sides and backs, drawer supports, dustboards, backboards, and the corner blocks inside the case that the legs socket into are hard pine, the drawer bottoms and top boards of the lower section of the high chest are Atlantic white cedar. No yellow poplar was found, consistent with Head’s wood purchases observed in his account book.

The earliest published image of the high chest and dressing table are found in Robert C. Moon, The Morris Family of Philadelphia, 5 vols., Philadelphia: Ketterlinus Litho. Mfg. Co., 1909, 5:248. At that time, they were owned by brother and sister John T. and Lydia T. Morris and were photographed in rooms in their house, “Compton”, located in the Philadelphia neighborhood Chestnut Hill. (“Compton” was designed by Theophilus P. Chandler and completed in 1887/88. It was demolished in 1968. It sat on the grounds of what is today the Morrris Arboretum.)


In 1935 the pair was illustrated as plates 12 and 13 in William Macpherson Hornor, Jr’s.  Blue Book Philadelphia Furniture. By this time, they were in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art where they were bequeathed by Lydia T. Morris in 1928. The turned gallery is no longer present but the concave moulding still sits on top of the high chest.


Hornor, “Blue Book of Philadelphia Furniture”, 1935.

The next illustration appeared in Philadelphia, Three Centuries of American Art (Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1976) no. 22. The concave moulding is still present but the escutcheons on the two square drawers of the lower section (and the two square drawers of the dressing table) are now missing.

3 centuries

“Philadelphia, Three Centuries of American Art”, Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1976.

In 1983 the moulded top was removed from the high chest. Museum employees determined it was not original based on physical evidence and from 1983 until early 1999 the high chest and dressing table continued to be exhibited as part of the furnishings of Cedar Grove.

cedar grove

Roger W. Moss, “Historic Houses of Philadelphia”, The Barra Foundation 1988, photograph by Thomas Crane. Cedar Grove, second story chamber.

In Worldly Goods, The Arts of Early Pennsylvania, 1680-1758 (The Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1999) the high chest and dressing table are illustrated in fig. 167. But as our treatment of the pair was not completed before the catalogue photography deadline, an early twentieth black and white photograph, colorized for the catalogue, was used showing the moulded top and square drawer escutcheons in place.


Worldly Goods, The Arts of Early Pennsylvania, 1680-1758, The Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1999.

At the beginning of our examination of the high chest and dressing table in 1999, I opened a drawer and found the 4 escutcheons that had be removed from the square drawers during a previous treatment in 1975. It was a simple matter to return them to their original positions.


The current condition of the high chest and dressing table as seen today in the PMA galleries and in current photography, reflects the original appearance of the pair more than at any time since they were first published by Moon in 1909. In 1999 we searched the Museum for the moulded top removed in 1983 to determine for ourselves its authenticity but without success – it was likely discarded soon after its removal. We agreed, however, that the top was most likely not original. The top of the high chest consists of two edged-joined walnut boards. The sides are lap or half-blind dovetailed to the top, hiding or disguising the joint. The surface is fair planed, or finished almost as finely as the drawer fronts. If the top of the chest were to be hidden, we reasoned the joiner would have used rough planed secondary wood boards and exposed the joinery, reducing labor and cost if the top were to be covered by an additional element.

It was not long after the Worldly Goods exhibit that I came across another bit of evidence concerning the moulded top – a photograph made at Cedar Grove in the late nineteenth century before the house was moved from Harrogate near Frankford, about 4 miles from Old City Philadelphia, to West Fairmount Park in the late 1920s. In the photograph the high chest has no concave moulded top and the square drawer escutcheons are in place.


Cedar Grove, second story chamber. Late nineteenth or early twentieth century.

In all likelihood, John T. and Lydia T. Morris added the moulded top and gallery to the high chest, updating it for its move to their Victorian mansion in Chestnut Hill. It did no harm and was easily removed, an early instance of a non-intrusive treatment. I wish it was still around though. Click on the photo from the Moon volume to enlarge it. Look closely at the turned pillars of the gallery, they mimic the “trumpet” turned legs of the chest and table. Who made those?


cherry case

Peter Stretch clock movement, cherry case attributed to John Head.

The Peter Stretch arch-dial 8-day clock housed in a cherry case attributed to the joiner John Head sold at Sotheby’s this past Saturday for $348,500 (hammer price plus buyer’s premium), a sum above its high estimate of $300,000. While not a record for an American tall case clock – that belongs to another Peter Stretch clock in a carved mahogany case purchased by the Winterthur Museum in 2004 for $1,688,000 – it is a record price for any furniture documented or attributed to the workshop of John Head.


A series of math calculations written in chalk on the interior surface of the side of the waist.

chalk 2

The math calculations continue down the length of the side and were clearly made before the board was cut to width. Written by Head, someone else in the shop, or calculating the purchase price of a parcel of cherry boards?


The blocks at the corners of the base are later additions.

base 2

There is physical evidence the base moulding was taller and had a decorative sawn shape similar to surviving mouldings on cases documented and attributed to John Head.

sothebys photo

Photograph supplied by Sotheby’s of the base of the case with the blocks removed. Evidence of holes bored for the dowels of turned feet can be seen at the front corners.


Rear view of the hood showing features consistent with John Head’s workshop practice.

It is fitting that a collaboration between John Head and Peter Stretch should garner such a high level of marketplace interest. Stretch’s work, along with that of his sons William and Thomas, represent the acme of clock making in colonial America during the first half of the eighteenth century. This clock and case also represents the most expensive version of John Head and Peter Stretch’s collaborations as Head charged £5-0-0 for clock cases with arched-hoods in woods other than walnut – the most he charged for any clock case – and Stretch charged £15-0-0 for arch-dial clock movements, a total of £20-0-0 for the combined clock and case. (It is unclear at this time whether the pierced name boss with the makers name and location surrounded by engraved foliate scrolls, a pair of birds in flight and the motto “Tempus Rerum Imperator”, added to the £15-0-0 Stretch typically charged for arch-dial clocks.)


Dial of the Peter Stretch 8-day clock movement.

name plate

The elaborate pierced and engraved name boss. Five cases attributed to John Head house clock movements with similar name bosses, four are engraved with Peter’s name and one with his son William’s.


The moon and tide-dial complication in the arch. Moon dials provide useful information about the night sky at any location, tide dials in combination with moon dials are principally seen on clock movements made in, or for, port cities.

Fennimore and Hohmann speculate the Stretch family of clockmakers produced the type of moon dial seen on this clock between the years 1725 and 1735 and began to employ the elaborate pierced and engraved name boss in the late 1720s. This is consistent with John Head debiting Peter Stretch for cherry clock cases in 1732 and 1737 and a cherry case to John Morris in 1736 – who may have purchased a movement from Peter Stretch on his own account. In 1734 Head charged two other customers £5-0-0 for cases, his price for cases made of cherry, cedar, and mahogany, at the same time Stretch charged them £15-0-0 for clock movements. Thus the date range for the manufacture of the clock sold at Sotheby’s is fairly narrow – roughly the decade of the 1730s or circa 1735 – a more accurate date range than that given by Sotheby’s.

Whether or not more furniture attributed to John Head comes to the marketplace this year, the tercentenary of his arrival in Philadelphia, the tide of interest in this émigré joiner appears to be on the rise.


At the Philadelphia Museum of Art, the William Graham clock in a mahogany case attributed to John Head, circa 1733, has recently been placed between the documented high chest and dressing table made by John Head for Caspar and Catherine Wistar in 1726. The cherry clock case was likely made within a few years of the Graham clock whose intact components confirm the original appearance of the cherry case.

The chest of drawers attributed here, but not by the auction house, to the Philadelphia joiner John Head sold at Sotheby’s this past Thursday. The hammer price was $26,000. With the “buyers premium” now at 25 percent, the total price was $32,000. This was more than 2 and a half times the high estimate but over $6,000 less than what it sold for 27 years ago. There was no salesroom announcement of a revision of the catalogue description to include an attribution to Head before the lot was sold. Auction houses give much weight to attributions, signatures, and labels on objects but missed this one at the same time they were heavily promoting the attribution of the case housing a Peter Stretch to Head. That tall-case clock will be sold this afternoon.


Chest of drawers, attributed to John Head, Philadelphia, circa 1725.


Half-inch drawer dividers with full thickness and full depth hard pine dust-boards. A circle and slash chalk mark on the second tier dust-board survives as lack of use and attendant wear meant the drawer bottom did not rub against the dust-board, removing the mark.


Drawer escutcheon.


Drawer pull. John Head used the same drawer brass combination on a surviving high chest of drawers. That high chest is illustrated in “The Connoisseur”, November 1978, p. 206, fig. 15.


Original iron lock.


Of the hundreds of dovetail made by this shop I’ve examined, this is one of the very first miss-cuts I’ve come across. The short saw-kerf beneath the two upper long kerfs was started in the wrong location.


On the exterior of the drawer the miss-cut can be seen in the first pin from the top.


The Head workshop used three designs of chalk marks on the exterior surfaces of drawers, a double circle drawn in one stroke, a half-circle and slash seen one the back of this drawer, and a “V” that tilts towards the back, seen on the proper right side.


The bottom of a long drawer. The bottom is composed of edge-glued shingle-width riven cedar and is nailed to the back, sides, and a deep rabbet in the front. Cedar running strips are glued at the sides. This was a new drawer construction technique in England when Head began his apprenticeship and he used it on the majority of the drawers he made in Philadelphia.

In January 1990 Christie’s sold the collection of May and Howard Joynt of Alexandria, Virginia. Lot 469 was described as “A Fine William And Mary Walnut Chest Of Drawers, Pennsylvania, 1720-1740” and carried an estimate of $6,000-$9,000. On January 19th, 2017, Sotheby’s will sell the same chest now described as A Very Fine and Rare William And Mary Walnut Chest Of Drawers, Pennsylvania, circa 1715” with an estimate of $8,000-12,000. Sotheby’s believes, I guess, that it has become more fine and rare than it was 17 years ago. They also give it only a slightly higher estimate than the last time it sold even though in 1990 it sold for $38,000, more than four times the high estimate.


Christie’s 1990 sale of the Joynt Collection, lot 469.

There were several reasons for the 1990 price, one of which is the remarkable state of preservation of the chest. These plain chests with large turned feet would had become anachronisms by at least 1790 and horribly out of place in chambers by the middle of the nineteenth century. Chests like this were dispatched to attics, basement, and barns, often damp settings with dirt floors which meant they started to rot from the feet upwards and nails and locks began to rust. Single brass drop-pulls are no match for strong tugs on loaded drawers and fail early in the life of heavily used furniture. It’s a matter of course for 300-year-old objects to have had multiple sets of drawer hardware changed out when in continual use.


Deep kerfing on the interior drawer front and an undisturbed cotter pin used to attach the brass pull.

This chest of drawers, however, appears as if it were used lightly for several years then put aside in a dark, dry place until moving into the antiques market, perhaps by the 1940s or 1950s. The brass pulls and escutcheons are the originals, the locks and nails are still bright, the turned feet are full height, and there is only a trace amount of wear on the drawer runners. The interior is remarkably clean, absent the centuries of dust and debris that usually accompanies this type of object. Examining a chest in this condition allows for careful scrutiny of the maker’s hand.


The bottom of one of the two top tier drawers. The bottom board is riven Atlantic white cedar, the side runners are sawn cedar.

And we can make an attribution to that maker: the Philadelphia joiner, John Head (1688-1754). At the 2014 Winterthur Furniture Forum Alan Anderson and I presented “Making it in Philadelphia: John Head and the Joyners Craft in the Early 18th  Century”, where we discussed furniture made in John Head’s workshop, analyzing the materials, tool use, and construction and design strategies observed in furniture documented and attributed to the Head workshop. A broad and nuanced understanding of the shop’s working practice allowed us to attribute numerous surviving objects that have interrupted records of documentation, to Head’s workshop.


Proper right side and back of a top tier drawer showing some of the characteristic white chalk shop marks. These are present on the drawers of all objects attributed to John Head’s workshop.


Old-growth, slow growing hard pine sides, Atlantic white cedar bottom board and runner exposed on the side of the drawer. This drawer construction was characteristic of British joiners work beginning circa 1700 according to Adam Bowett.

This chest mirrors every shop practice seen in the documented Wistar high chest and dressing table including, but not exclusive to, wood species selection, details of drawer construction, and idiosyncratic chalk marking for drawer part identification. The evidence of Head’s account book shows he debited for 118 chests at £3-0-0 from 1720 to 1741. These are assumed to be walnut chests, chests designated as cherry or maple were priced higher, consistent to the additional charges for clock cases made of these woods. Surprisingly we have identified few chests of drawers that can be attributed to the Head workshop, some half dozen or so, many fewer than clock cases though Head made more than two chests of drawers for every clock case. Some possible reasons for the high attrition rate are noted above – a large, plain, chest that went out of fashion within 60 years – readily replaced with new models after the still useful storage chest was deposited in a dirt floor out building.

Nevertheless, just in time for his tercentenary, John Head has sent us a time machine of the best sort – but plain. And it’s only January!


The simple mitered cornice moulding used by the Head workshop eliminates the end grain edges when boards with moulded ends are used for the tops of chests. The sides are lap-dovetailed to the top.


Large diameter turned feet. Blocks glued to the corners of the bottom board allow for better purchase for the dowel that passes through the foot into the chest.


Interior surface of the proper right side. The darkening at the front edge has the appearance of a brushed on stain. A good candidate for microscopic-analysis!


A British Colonial chest made by English immigrant John Head in Philadelphia, circa 1725. The brass single-drop  baluster shaped pulls with cruciform back plates, which were going out of style by 1715 to be replaced by the loop-handle double cotter pin pulls seen on the Wistar furniture, along with the half-round rail moulding, give the appearance of chest made circa 1705.

It wasn’t my intent to start a discussion of the clock cases documented and attributed to John Head’s shop until later this year, but to be topical I must mention this 8-day clock by Peter Stretch (1670-1746) in a black cherry case attributed to Head to be sold as lot 6054 of the E. Newbold and Margaret duPont Smith collection at Sotheby’s on January 21.


Photo Sotheby’s

The substantial pre-sale estimate is based on several factors including the sale of a clock by Peter Stretch in a carved mahogany clock case in 2006 for $1,688,000, now in the collection of Winterthur Museum. In addition, the dial of this clock is arguably the loveliest made by the Stretch’s, versions of it appearing on clocks signed by both Peter and William Stretch, that were most likely made throughout the 1730s. There is herringbone engraving along the edges of the dial plate, the complication in the arch shows both the phases of the moon and the times of high and low tide in Philadelphia, (which is, of course, “tied” to the moon’s apparent motion) and a specially designed pierced and engraved name boss has the makers name and city surrounded by foliate scrolls, a pair of birds in flight (Time flies!), and the motto of the Worshipful Company of Clockmakers, the City of London livery company established by Royal Charter granted by King Charles I in 1631, “Tempus Rerum Imperator”, or Time is the ruler of (all) things. That the case can be attributed to a specific maker adds to its cachet.


Photo Sotheby’s

The catalogue description references Jay R. Stiefel’s “Philadelphia Cabinetmaking and Commerce, 1718-1753: The Account Book of John Head, Joiner” citing the two cherry clock cases Head debited to Peter Stretch. (Head charged £5.0.0 for arched cases of woods other than walnut, including cedar, cherry, maple and mahogany. The two cherry clock cases were debited to Stretch in 1732 and 1737.) The catalogue doesn’t mention cherry clock cases Head supplied to Edmund Woolley in 1723 and John Morris in 1736, though they are featured in Stiefel’s article. While the Smith/Sotheby’s case is almost certainly too late to be the one Woolley purchased in 1723, Morris may have purchased a Peter Stretch movement for his cherry clock case. In Head’s accounts, there are several other charges of £5.0.0 for clock cases with no wood designation, several of these may have been made of cherry. Adding up the cherry clock cases in Head’s accounts and the other possible cherry clock cases debited at £5.0.0 but with no wood designation, Head’s output of cherry clock cases would total perhaps a half-a-dozen to a dozen at most. We currently attribute no other extant cherry clock cases to the shop of John Head, indeed, no other furniture forms made of cherry have been attributed to Head. The use of “Rare” in the catalogue description is fitting.


Debit to John Morris on 3/14/1736 for a cherry clock case.

With John Head debiting his last cherry clock case in 1737, his ending his furniture production in 1744, and Peter Stretch’s demise in 1746 you wonder why the auction house dates the clock to “circa 1750”. Nit picking? Perhaps, but even auction houses don’t regularly date objects after the death date of the maker. “Circa 1735” would more accurately reflect the style of the dial and the evidence of Head’s accounts.

I worked in the shop that restored this case in the early 1980s. It is in very intact condition as these cases go though perhaps not quite as good as the catalogue description leads on. I’m not exactly sure why we gilded the hood column capitals and bases and picked out some of the mouldings with japanning. It’s not something I would do today. Perhaps the fact that the case has a brass oculus surround in the waist door prompted the gilding. Of the dozens of clock cases we now attribute to the John Head shop, if a brass oculus is present, the hood columns employ cast-brass mounts at their capitals and bases. When the oculus surround is wood, the columns are turned entirely of wood. This case is an anomaly in regard to the materials of the surround and column capitals and bases.


Brass oculus on the waist door and turned wood hood columns. Photo Sotheby’s

Stiefel writes of Head’s phonetic spelling in his supplementary article, “The Head Account Book as Artifact.” What today we know as black cherry (Prunus seotina), Head wrote variously as “Charetre”, Chare Tree”, Chari Tree”, and “Chary Treewood.” Making entries in his ledger in the last hours of daylight of a long summer’s day, or by candlelight in winter, Head spelled it as he spoke it.


A variant spelling of cherry, used in making a “Chest of drawers and Table.”


Head debited a clock case at 5 pounds along with a clock delivered by Peter Stretch to Jonathan Miflin in 1729. The undesignated primary wood could have been, cherry, maple, mahogany, or cedar. An interesting exchange at the bottom of the page – rewritten from another page in the ledger – continues the account of “John Loyd” with debits to his wife for the purchase of her husbands coffin and the exchange of her walnut chest of drawers for a “Charitree” chest.

In May 1999, during research on other material in the George Vaux Papers that in 1992 had been deposited at the American Philosophical Society, Jay R. Stiefel discovered an extraordinary record of the shop production and barter of goods and services of the immigrant joiner John Head (born Suffolk, England 1688 – died Philadelphia 1754.) The vellum-covered volume found by Stiefel contained “231 pages of densely written entries, under hundreds of account names chronicling the daily transactions of an active commercial enterprise over a thirty-five-year period: 1718-1753. They establish John Head as one of Philadelphia’s principal cabinetmakers. The account book is essential reading for anyone interested in early Philadelphia furniture and the activities and identities of those who made it, or who bartered labor and commodities to acquire it.” Essential reading it is – though you would have to live in, or get to, Philadelphia with plenty of time on your hands to do so. Luckily, in 2001, Stiefel produced for the web-based APS Library Bulletin an in-depth interpretation of Head’s book of accounts titled “Philadelphia Cabinetmaking and Commerce, 1718-1753: The Account Book of John Head, Joiner” along with an associated essay “The Account Book as Artifact”, which, as the editors of the bulletin note, “bring a piece of early Philadelphia to life, situating a productive, but little known artisan, John Head, within the larger context of early colonial society and economy.” I printed my own copy of the APS Bulletin and have used it as an important reference over the years. I was also able to print a facsimile of the account book from micro-film though it is not complete and the sides of the pages are clipped off reducing its effectiveness as a research tool.


A page from John Head’s account book showing transactions with Peter Stretch (1670-1746). Along with many debits for clock cases is an order for a maple chest of drawers and table, presumably for Stretch’s personal use, and a coffin for Samuel Stretch, Peter’s nephew. On the credit side of the ledger, Stretch is paying Head in clock movements and clock case hinges among other goods.

In 1717, at the age of 29 or 30, John Head immigrated from Suffolk, England to Philadelphia with his wife Rebecca (m. 1712) and young family. He was then a fully trained joiner who would likely have worked as a journeyman for one or more established joiners in England in the 5 years after his marriage and before his immigration to America. Entries in his account book begin in 1718 and by 1744, at age 56, he was ceasing furniture production. Stiefel tallied numbers of forms made between those years demonstrating Head’s importance in the furniture trade and the building and furnishing of the growing village or town of Philadelphia. 118 chests of drawers, 26 suites of chest of drawers and a table, 55 oval tables, 52 bedsteads, 91 clock cases, 19 cradles, 5 corner cupboards, 11 close-stools, 3 clothes presses, and 73 coffins. Makes me tired just to think of producing that amount of work in just over a quarter century.

An order for a chest of drawers and table debited to Caspar Wistar on June 14, 1726 were the first objects to be documented to Head. In 1999 Stiefel alerted the curators of the exhibition “Worldly Goods” – a celebration of decorative art made in Philadelphia before 1758 that would open later that year – of his discovery of the account book. The high chest and dressing table, long in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art, had descended from Wistar’s wife Catherine Johnson Wistar and were donated to the PMA in 1928.


High chest and dressing table, made in Philadelphia, 1726, by John Head for the German immigrant Caspar Wistar and his wife Catherine Johnson (or Jansen) Wistar at the time of their marriage. Philadelphia Museum of Art.

In 2008 Stiefel, Alan Anderson and I wrote about the Wistar high chest and dressing table and a clock case debited to Wistar by John Head on April 30, 1730. We had been working for several years to identify work that could be either attributed or documented to Head’s shop through account book entries, family histories, and distinctive construction techniques employed in the construction of the objects. At that time, we had identified over 40 objects. Today the list has grown to over 60 objects covering many – but not all- of the forms cited in the account book including high chests, dressing tables, chest-on-chests, chests of drawers, clock cases, a desk, and a spice chest. Additionally, “Stretch: America’s First Family of Clockmakers” by Donald L. Fennimore and Frank L. Hohmann III was published in 2013. In it, John Head’s work for Peter and William Stretch was discussed and numerous clocks in cases attributed to Head were illustrated.


A clock by William Graham in a case attributed to John Head. Philadelphia Museum of Art. This is a before conservation treatment photograph.


The back of the hood of the William Graham clock case attributed to John Head. Philadelphia Museum of Art.

We wrote our 2008 article in advance of the tercentenary of Head’s arrival in Philadelphia with the idea that we had almost 9 years to continue our research and create interest among local institutions who might consider some small exhibition or event to commemorate the arrival of an immigrant family who, to all appearances, seamlessly integrated themselves into the day-to-day life of a young American colony.

We have made many discoveries and have continued to collect data since then, and now, in January 2017, the tercentenary has arrived. While I know of no commemorative events planned so far to celebrate Head’s arrival, over the following months I will begin examining the shop traditions and products of his shop, placing them in the context of his contemporary craftsmen. It is believed that Head’s account book might soon be scanned and digitized for the web where it may be used as a resource for historians. Let’s hope that event happens in 2017.

The APS Bulletin on the John Head account book can be found here:

Our article on the documented objects can be found here:

An excerpt from Fennimore and Hohmann’s book on the Stretch family can be found here:


A single drawer dressing table attributed to John Head. Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Update, the spice box has sold at Freeman’s for $21,250. Well above the $4,000 – 6,000 estimate. No doubt the Freeman’s cataloger was surprised.

I’m sure and “old” door will be promptly found, but what exactly should it look like?

lot 24